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Posted (edited)

Try living in the US and see if you still think it’s so bad over here. You could start with the criminal in the White House and his corrupt Justice Department. 

Edited by rgmwa
  • Agree 1
Posted

Here's an interesting perspective on the current unrest in Los Angeles that doesn't suit Trump's MAGA agenda given the inconvenient fact that Los Angeles was once part of Mexico. 

 

I was there as protesters flooded the streets of downtown Los Angeles, their chants rising over sirens and the buzz of low-flying helicopters. The air was thick with smoke, and the sharp, acrid sting of chemicals burned the throat and made eyes water. Loud bangs echoed off concrete buildings, followed by the thud of rubber bullets hitting pavement and bodies. A wall of L.A. police officers stood unmoving at the edge of the crowd. And above it all, in the chaos and confrontation, was a sea of raised fists and Mexican flags. Not tucked in a pocket or painted on a cheek, but unfurled and waving high, as if daring the city, the country, to see them. 
We know what came next. The outrage. The backlash. Not discomfort, but anger. Real, visceral anger. For many, seeing the Mexican flag waved during a protest against Immigration and Customs Enforcement doesn’t just raise eyebrows; it feels like an affront. They ask: If you’re demanding rights in this country, why wave the flag of another? But that flag, at that moment, is not about rejecting the United States. It’s about refusing to be erased. It’s layered with history, memory and defiance. It calls into question who we are as a country and, more important, who we’re willing to include. It forces a reckoning with a national identity far more complicated than many are ready to admit.

 

At a time when immigration is no longer merely debated but wielded as a tool to stoke fear, consolidate power and dehumanize an essential part of our society, and when the political cost of empathy has grown prohibitively high, moments like this don’t just spark controversy; they become crucibles. They force us to confront questions without easy answers: Who truly belongs in this country? And at what cost? Can American identity contain this kind of complexity, or is belonging still tethered to silence, assimilation and the quiet erasure of everything that doesn’t conform?

Los Angeles is the perfect place to ask these questions because Mexican identity isn’t foreign there. It’s foundational. This was Mexico once and remains part of the memory, culture, street names, food and families who never crossed a border because the border crossed them. In that context, the Mexican flag isn’t necessarily a symbol of separation or rejection. Sometimes, it’s a claim: We are both. We are Mexican and American, not divided but layered. This is what our identity looks like.

 

But American pluralism has never been as open-armed as we pretend. It often tolerates presence but punishes visibility. Mexican Americans are deemed essential when the country needs labor — in the fields, in hospitals during the covid pandemic, in our homes, in our schools and in the armed forces — but suspicious when they demand dignity, political voice or the freedom to show pride in where they come from. The message has always been: Contribute, but don’t complicate.

  • Like 2
Posted (edited)

I bet they don't teach much border growth history in USA schools. Their old imperialism took a lot of Mexico by force - to make the states of Arizona, Utah, Texas, etc.

 

After all that, taking Greenland would not be so surprising. They don't look like nice neighbours, to me.

 

 

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Edited by nomadpete
  • Agree 1
Posted
1 hour ago, Jerry_Atrick said:

In case you're hard of reading crime down significantly since 1990

The usual generic cliche. Statistics hardly matter when every second teen carries around a machete or a knife, and nearly every Lebonese is a drug dealer, and an Asian kills a whole family then we never hear any more about it. A black African teen stabs to death a woman trying to lock her car, and still no court case ensuing, he's being protected by the multiculturalism brigade. 

 

It's the lack of any societal human brain cells involved in today's vicious crimes, and sentencing, that we should be looking at, not cooked up statistics

Posted
Just now, Grumpy Old Nasho said:

You reckon you wouldn't get emotional if a machete was held at your neck?

Of course, but rationally, I understand the odds of that happening, and I can avoid hysteria. 

Posted
4 minutes ago, Grumpy Old Nasho said:

Have you seen families exiting court houses saying "There's no justice any more"?

 

 

I have actually been involved with a legal situation for the last 18 months regarding drug dealers next door in a housing department property.  Instead of getting hysterical, we organised our neighbours, made allies in the police and housing department educated ourselves and appeared to give evidence. We won, and these people are going to be evicted by the police and the property is going on the private market.

The moral of this is that whinging and whining gets you nowhere.     We educated ourselves and kept positive.    I am sorry that you seem to be so unhappy with life.

  • Agree 1
Posted
1 minute ago, Grumpy Old Nasho said:

There's a lot more people saying there's no justice anymore.

I do not form my opinions on the basis of what a lot of people say; I want hard facts. 

Posted

If I was as Pi$$ed off as you are GON, I'd migrate to the Land of the Orange Con Man where Service People are Suckers & Losers and Money is God, and GUNS are everywhere.  Nev

  • Agree 1
Posted
23 minutes ago, Grumpy Old Nasho said:

There's a lot more people saying there's no justice anymore.

AI Overview
 
No, public perception of crime often differs from actual crime rates. While crime rates have generally been decreasing in many areas, public perception tends to be that crime is increasing or at high levels. This discrepancy can be influenced by various factors, including media coverage, personal experiences, and individual biases. 
 
Here's a more detailed look at the factors contributing to this gap:
1. Media Influence:
  • Sensationalism:
    News media often focuses on dramatic and violent crimes, which can create a perception that these events are more common than they actually are. 
     
  • Repetitive Coverage:
    Even if crime rates are stable or decreasing, continuous media reports can lead to the perception that crime is on the rise. 
     
2. Personal Experiences and Biases:
  • Fear of Crime:
    Individuals may develop a heightened fear of crime, even if they haven't been victims, based on personal experiences, stories from others, or general anxieties about their surroundings.
  • Social and Economic Factors:
    People with higher socioeconomic status may perceive crime as more prevalent or a greater threat, potentially due to concerns about property values or personal safety.
  • Implicit Biases:
    Racial and class biases can also influence perceptions of crime, leading to inaccurate assessments of crime levels in certain neighborhoods. 
     
3. Lack of Accurate Information:
  • Official Crime Statistics:
    Public awareness of official crime statistics is often limited, and people may not be aware of trends in crime rates, particularly if they are decreasing. 
     
  • Underreporting:
    Crimes may not be reported to the police, leading to an underestimation of the true extent of crime in a community. 
     
4. The Role of "Perceived Crime":
  • Impact on Policy:
    Despite the discrepancy between perceived and actual crime, public perception can still influence policy decisions and resource allocation related to law enforcement. 
     
  • Community Safety:
    Perceptions of safety can affect people's behavior, such as their willingness to go out at night or participate in community activities. 
     
In conclusion, while crime rates may be declining in many areas, public perception of crime can be significantly higher due to factors like media coverage, personal experiences, and biases. This gap between perceived and actual crime has important implications for public safety and policy decisions. 

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